Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar's contribution to labour welfare

Babasaheb And Labour 1

What Babasaheb Ambedkar did to abolish the Khoti system, which primarily prevalent in the Konkan region:

"Under the Khoti system the Khoti was obliged to collect revenues form the tenants and to pay a certain part of it to the Government. Once such payment was made the Khoti enjoyed unrestricted freedom to do whatever he liked to the tenants. The khoti generally missused the freedom and subjected the tenants to all kinds of exactions. The result was that the tenants were reduced to the state of abject poverty. This agitated the tenants. They demanded the abolition of the unjust system of Khoti. The relation between the Khots and the tenants were so strained that three Khots were murdered in the presidency, and therefore, Dr. Ambedkar held that, it was imperative to abolish it. 

Thus, by introducing the Bill to abolish the Khoti system Ambedkar sought to put and end to the exploitation of the actual tillers of the land and establish a direct Government relationship between them. 

In the Bill he also made the provision of paying reasonable compensation to the Khoti. Dr. Ambedkar's bill on the abolition of the Khoti system, thus, proved to be a forerunner to the land reforms legislation in the post independence India" . 

~ B.L. Mungekar

Babasaheb And Labour 2

'A labour not only wants equality but he needs liberty also, it is really intolerable and detrimental where system proposes equality but denies liberty. The constitution in which equilibrium, of the both is established, it is the ideal constitution for the laborers.' 

~ B.R. Ambedkar

Babasaheb And Labour 3

Babasaheb was the first to analyse in clear economic terms how British colonisation has been exploitative. His research thesis spoke of the same topic. Following are the words of Prof Edwin Cannan, his research supervisor, who disagreed with Babasaheb yet gave him due credit, in following words:

" ... An old teacher like myself learns to tolerate the vagaries of originality, even when they resist severe examination such as that of which Mr. Ambedkar speak. His study of the Provincial Finances in British India is an authentic and original piece of research work, which for the first time raises the issues of British exploitation ..."

reference:
 
Cavnan Edwin "Foreword" in Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches, on Economics, Vol. 6, p. 33, Govt. of Maharashtra, Education Department.

Babasaheb And Labour 4

What did Babasaheb do for the right of workers to strike? 

The 'Industrial Disputes Bill' sought to practically take away a worker's right to strike. Babasaheb vehemently opposed this. Following are snippets from him:

"Now, Sir, it has been said that there is no such thing as the right to strike. My reply is that this statement can come from a man who really does not understand what a strike is. If members are prepared to accept my meaning of the word “strike” as being nothing more than a breach of contract, then I submit that a strike is simply another name for the right to freedom ; it is nothing else than the right to the freedom of one’s services on any terms that one wants to obtain. 

And once you concede the right to freedom, you necessarily concede the right to strike, because, as I have said, the right to strike is simply another name for the right to freedom."

"To penalise a strike, therefore, I contend, is nothing short of making the worker a slave. For what is slavery? As defined in the constitution of the United States, slavery is nothing else but involuntary servitude. And this is involuntary servitude. This is contrary to ethics  ; this is contrary to jurisprudence."

Volume 2, Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Writing and Speeches BAWS

Babasaheb And Labour 5

Babasaheb on how crony-caste based industries operate in India, with the example of mills, and his proposed solution:

"We have mills in Bombay City managed by Parsis. There are mills there managed by Gujaratis. There are mills in Bombay which are managed by Jews or by Europeans. I visited all these mills in my younger days when some members of my family were working there. I used to carry their bread to the mills where they were working. 

Recently also I visited some of the mills though not often times. The most surprising thing about all these mills is that they have been made the heaven for the cousins of the Managers. Hundreds of useless people are employed in higher grades simply because they are related to the managing agents in some way. You go to a Parsi mill, you will see hundreds of Parsis employed whether they are wanted or not. Go to a mill managed by Gujaratis. You will see hundreds of Gujaratis employed whether they are wanted or not. Go to a mill managed by Jews. You will see hundreds of Jews employed, whether they are wanted or not. 

The best part of the earning of the workers are taken away by the managers in order to feed these people who are employed in the mills, whether they are efficient or not, or whether they are wanted or not. All these people who are controlling the industry float the capital and bloat it up by all sorts of paper transactions. When the worker says that he gets less wages, the man controlling the industry says. “It is my capital”. 

All this is bogus capital, stock exchange capital, bolstered up by speculators. A good part of the earning of the industry is swallowed by these people. From the little balance that is left, the workers are asked to eke out their existence. If the Honourable the Prime Minister wants to introduce equity, let him make the workers’ wages the first charge on the profits of industry. 

I do not understand why the mill owners or, for the matter of that, any owner of any industry, should not be required by law to present his budget annually. Government is required to present its budget every year; annually we get a budget of Government in which Government say how many Ministers are employed, how many chaprasis are allowed to the Ministers, how many superintendents are there in departments, how many clerks, this, that and the other. This House is in a position to understand whether the establishment is excessive or not This House gets to know whether the money is spent properly or not. Why is it that a millowner or, for the matter of that, the owner of an industry, who gets his earning, not entirely by his capital but also by the sweat of another man, be not compelled to give the details of his management? This is a very fair demand to make. The advantage would be this. Once a budget of that kind is presented by the owner of an industry, the workers would be in a position to realise and scrutinise whether the balance that is left to be divisible among the labourers is fair or whether the employer has taken an undue portion of the total profit. What is the use of having a conciliation board and asking the employers to produce their account books when the employee is not placed in a position to scrutinise what is really the state of affairs  ? If the procedure I suggest is adopted, I am sure about it that there will be less labour troubles, the conciliation would be more effective and there will be more industrial peace. If the Honourable the Prime Minister wants to treat labour and capital on a footing of equality in the sense in which I have suggested, namely, that there should be equity, then there is no basis for equity in the provisions of this Bill."

BAWS Vol 2.., in his opposition to Industrial Disputes Bill

(Compiled by Gaurav Somwanshi)